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The 1960 Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Peoples and Countries was a watershed moment in the history of decolonization, marking the rise of an anticolonial account of self-determination.
In rejecting the unequal membership and hierarchy that characterized international society in its imperial iteration, and by reconstructing selfdetermination as a universal right that accrued to all peoples, anticolonial nationalists secured the formal guarantees of international nondomination.
The right to self-determination made foreign rule legally and morally objectionable, established independence and equality as the foundations of an anti-imperial world order, and extended full membership in international society to all states. Having universalized the right to
self-determination, anticolonial nationalists deployed this new basis of international legitimacy to demand equal decision-making power in the
United Nations.

While this anticolonial achievement is largely associated with the universalization of the nation-state form, the emergence of a right to selfdetermination coincided with projects of regional federation in Africa and the West Indies. When Ghana became a republic in 1960, Nkrumah
successfully advocated for a clause in the new constitution that conferred on the parliament “the power to provide for the surrender of the whole
or any part of the sovereignty of Ghana” once a Union of African States was formed.1 The early constitutions of independent Guinea and Mali
included similar provisions. That same year, ten Anglophone Caribbean islands—Antigua, Barbados, Dominica, Grenada, Jamaica, St. Kitts, Nevis
and Anguilla, St. Lucia, St. Vincent, and Trinidad and Tobago—celebrated
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[ 108 ] Chapter Four a second year as members of the West Indian Federation and looked forward to achieving independence in this new regional formation. Anticolonial nationalists on both sides of the Black Atlantic framed regional federation as a central strategy for securing international nondomination. As the Congo crisis already revealed, political and economic hierarchies limited the right to self-determination and ensured that postcolonial sovereignty remained elusive. Understood only as freedom from alien rule, Nkrumah lamented that decolonization had become “a word much and unctuously used . . . to describe the transfer of political control from colonialist to African sovereignty.”

Demonstrating its institutional flexibility, imperialism had “quickly adopted its outlook to [this] loss of direct political control [and] retained and extended its economic grip.”

In the neocolonial phase of imperialism, imperial powers exploited their economic grip to indirectly realize political compulsion. The result was a distorted form of postcolonial sovereignty. While newly independent states sought to institutionalize the domestic dimension of the right to self-determination through popular sovereignty and representative governments, “the rulers of neocolonial states derive their authority to govern, not from the will of the people, but from the support which they obtain from their neocolonial masters.”

Type Of Service: Academic paper writing
Type Of assignment: Reaction paper
Subject: Social Studies
Pages/words: 2/550
Number of sources: 0
Academic Level: Senior(College 4th year)
Paper Format: MLA
Line Spacing: Double
Language style: US English

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